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Intellectual Property and the Good Society

A Structural, Outcome-oriented Approach

   by Jon "Hannibal" Stokes

 

(This feature for subscribers only!

Since Ars Technica started in the summer of '98, I've seen a steady increase in the amount of reporting that I do on intellectual property-related issues. This trend isn't due to a change in my tastes in reporting the news so much as it is to a marked increase in the visibility of intellectual property (IP) as a significant factor in the shaping of the technological and cultural landscape. IP has always been there, a mostly neglected, esoteric corner of the legal system that has functioned largely out of sight of the majority of consumers. But as of the past few years, the sheer volume of patent, trademark and copyright disputes seems to have increased exponentially. Even more significantly, these disputes are having a greater impact on everyday folks, from Quake mod authors to music fans to farmers. The current situation has caught many of us off guard, provoking confusion as to the nature and/or reality of an IP-based threat to our civic freedoms.

Many of the voices in online debates around IP fall into one of two camps. I won't take the time to do more than very briefly summarize these two positions, because we're all familiar with them by now. The first is the "information wants to be free" camp, which advocates the free and communal sharing of information and rejects any notion that products of the intellect can or should be understood, legally or philosophically, as property. At the other extreme is a camp that is comfortable drawing direct, strong analogies between concepts of ownership of physical property and concepts of ownership of intellectual property. Furthermore, this camp is intent on letting the "free" market determine a value for information, much as it determines a value for more traditional types of property. This second camp usually feels that the anti-IP rhetoric coming from the first camp is merely a rationale for piracy, while the first camp feels that members of the second are mindless shills for the corporate machine.

Somewhere in between these two extremes lies a large majority who find both extremes attractive for different reasons, but who can't in good conscience commit to one stance or the other. These people (myself included) on the one hand acknowledge the many benefits that IP law has yielded in the modern economy, but on the other hand worry about the ever-encroaching technological and legal threats to our personal freedoms by large, moneyed corporations wielding bands of lawyers. Developments in the daily news make us uneasy, and we don't quite buy the argument that a creator (or a third party rightsholder) has some sort of basic, God-given, exclusive "right" to completely dictate how, when, and where you use the products of his or her labor. Neither, though, will our essential conviction that people are entitled to be able to profit from their work allow us to be convinced that price-free access to all products of the intellect is a basic civic right.

There's a reason why so many of us are caught in the middle. It's because the morally absolute language of rights leaves us too little wiggle room for holding a useful dialogue about the ways a fair intellectual property system should look and function. What I intend to do in the following editorial is argue for a new type of discussion, one focused more on larger systems and structures than on the rights of the individual actors governed by those structures. To that end, I'll describe the way that the existing intellectual property structures are developing, and I'll then talk about how we can visualize some alternatives to them. 

 

Rights language--it's not always the best option

The language of rights--the rights of creators, consumers, third parties who've invested in the creation and/or distribution process, etc.--while historically quite effective in bringing about change for the better, also has some severe shortcomings. As Robert N. Bellah et al point out in The Good Society, framing a social issue in terms of individual rights hinders fruitful dialogue about common conceptions of the public good and what kind of society we want to live in. There seems to be an atomistic view in much American civil discourse that says if we focus our juridical energies on maintaining equitable relationships between individual actors in a system, then the system as a whole will order itself equitably. In other words, if the legal system can keep individuals from stepping on each other's rights, the thinking goes, then the big picture--who has privilege and who doesn't, who makes the rules and who follows them, who's on top and who's on bottom, who benefits from the existing arrangement and who doesn't--will work itself out in a manner that's fairest for everyone.

Such thinking flows naturally from the perennially popular Darwinian metaphors that civic leaders (especially those in the corporate world) love to employ. Just like an ecosystem is thought to consist of a collection of individual animals or species competing for resources on the neutral playing field provided by Nature, a society is thought to be a collection of individual people (or groups) competing for resources on the neutral playing field provided by the blind letter of the law. Laws are then made with an eye to enabling individuals to compete fairly, and the legal system finds itself primarily occupied with adjudicating the collisions that result when one party's rights conflict with another's. And what area of law is best suited for handling such rights-based conflicts? Litigation. So in our present environment where civic issues are construed solely in terms of rights, is it any wonder that litigation flourishes? And when we as a society are consumed with litigating each other, is it any wonder that it seems impossible for everyone to stop for a moment, step back, look at the big picture, ask themselves what kind of system we're creating and who's benefiting from it, and then call off the lawyers long enough to cooperate and build something better?

Because it focuses civic debates inordinately on individual relationships at the expense of addressing systemic or structural problems, rights language impoverishes civic discourse and closes off avenues of potentially fruitful discussion. As Bellah notes, a right is a binary proposition: you either have it or you don't. Thus, framing a new debate, like the one around intellectual property, solely in terms of rights at the very outset drastically limits our options for exploring possible ways to order our intellectual property system so that it benefits society as a whole. 

There is a way to approach IP, and other important social issues, from a perspective other than that of rights. It's harder and more complicated, but in the end it's more productive. Instead of talking about rights--the rights of authors vs. the rights of consumers vs. the rights of publishers vs. the rights of investors--we should instead talk about structures--how they look, how they function, what they include and what they leave out, who they benefit and who they don't. 

  

Next: Structures for the good of the few

 

 


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